Swati Sudhakaran 8th November 2016: The fateful day when carrying cash went out of style – our debit cards became our safe haven from the dark unknowns, unleashed by Demonetization. Having lived under the soft basking of cash transactions, the ATM … Continue reading This is what a cashless economy for millennials will look like
In view of the new ‘Make in India’ agenda of the Modi government, Aparajita Bharti argues for the adoption of the Regulatory Impact Analysis, a global practice to evaluate the costs and benefits of a proposed/existing regulation, that has also found favour in Planning Commission and other governmental reports.
With the new government in the driving seat and ‘Make in India’ high on its agenda, improving the regulatory environment for business is a top priority. This is, therefore, a golden chance for the government to introduce in India the practice of Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA), which is followed worldwide to assess the costs and benefits of a proposed or an existing regulation.
The 12th five year plan (2012-2017) recommends the employment of RIA for both existing and future regulations that impact the business environment in India. RIA enables the governments to judge the efficiency of the proposed regulatory framework in creating a more competitive market vis-à-vis the compliance and enforcement costs that it puts on businesses and the governments. In some countries, RIA also includes an evaluation of other regulatory options (including self regulation) to judge the most effective way in which a near perfect market can be delivered to the consumers at the lowest cost. RIA is considered an important activity as it exposes compliance and other costs arising out of the new regulations, which are ultimately passed on to the consumer. It enables the governments to weigh these costs against the benefits that accrue to the consumers as a result of the regulation. Although RIA may come across as expensive, however, in the long run, it saves huge costs that are incurred because of an inefficient regulatory framework. Continue reading “Regulatory Impact Analysis: Hopefully, a prelude to ‘Make in India’”
Amid the rise of right-wing parties to governments across Asia, Apoorv Tiwari cautions against prematurely writing off the Leftist ideology. The past year has seen elections in several democracies in different parts of our complicated globe. Since the beginning of 2013, voters have exercised their franchise in South Asia (India, Pakistan, Nepal, Maldives and Bangladesh), the far-east (Japan, South Korea), and Europe (including national elections in several countries as well as the recent elections to the European Parliament). Despite the diversity in terms of culture, geography and issues across these elections, there have been two essential points of convergence. Firstly, … Continue reading The Global Rise of the Right
Raheel Dhattiwala examines a political phenomenon in Gujarat: the support of Muslims for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that many Muslims perceive as responsible for the brutal violence in the State in 2002 when at least a thousand Muslims were killed. The findings are based on 23 months of ethnographic fieldwork — in periods spanning three elections in 2010, 2012 and 2014 — and an analysis of 101 polling booths in Ahmedabad city.
The following article is a summary of a policy report by the author.
Are Muslims shedding their resentment for the BJP and voting for it? The potency of this question is greatest in context of Gujarat where it gained significance soon after the BJP’s political rapprochement with Muslims in 2009. This report attempts to answer why Gujarat’s Muslims would support the BJP, a party that many continue to acknowledge as having perpetrated violence against Muslims in the State less than a decade ago. In doing so, it examines the profile of the BJP Muslim supporter and what ‘support’ actually means.
Findings of this report are primarily based on in-depth fieldwork evidence spanning three election periods in Ahmedabad city (2010 to 2014). Indeed, interview evidence suggests an unprecedented surge in public support of Muslims for the BJP in this period. Motivations of support varied for those Muslims who had joined the party as members, from those who were supporters/campaigners for the party. For Muslim party members, political patronage of a party deemed to stay in power in the State was a strong incentive to vocally support the BJP as opposed to value rational incentives for the supporter/campaigner (“to get rid of our anti-national image we have to be with the BJP”). Common to both groups of supporters was the effect of personal experience of the violence. A Muslim with direct experience (e.g. death of a family member) of the violence in 2002 was least likely to voice support for the BJP.
At the same time, inferences drawn from 101 polling booths in seven assembly constituencies in Ahmedabad highlight a distinction between public and electoral support: more Muslims were likely to have supported the BJP in public only, than going out and voting for it as well. This is plausible given that anonymous referendum implies the possibility of public behaviour being distinct from electoral behaviour. The sample booth analysis suggests not more than 10 per cent votes were cast by Muslims for the BJP. This figure is not very different from Muslim voting for the BJP in Gujarat in the years prior to 2009. Of course, making ecological inferences from booth-level data has its own set of caveats, which further highlights the uncertainty of claims— “over 30 per cent Muslims voted for us”—made by the BJP from constituency-level aggregate figures.
Amid all the bad press the mandatory CSR has received, Akshaya Kamalnath and Ashrita Kotha attempt to demystify and look at the policy implications of the provision which is the first of its kind in the world. Although there is panic … Continue reading Mandatory CSR: A win-win?
Although the public discourse surrounding the 2014 general elections seems to be centered on the effects of a “Modi Wave”, Mathew Idiculla stresses the need to remember that elections in India are ultimately a multi-polar contest fought over varied issues.
That 2014 would be a year of change seems inevitable. Whichever political formation wins the upcoming national elections, India will soon have a new Prime Minister after nearly a decade under Manmohan Singh. But beyond a mere change of guard, this election has the potential to alter the political and economic trajectory of India. This is not merely because Congress is projected to get one of its lowest ever tallies as per most opinion polls, but also because its chief challenger seems to embody a thought quite different from that held by all previous prime ministers.
2014 could very well be remembered with other landmark years in India’s political history- 1967, when Congress domination ended as it lost power in half the states; 1977, when for the first time Congress was unseated from power at the centre and 1984, when Congress won its highest vote share ever and had for the last time a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family as the Prime Minster. In terms of economic policy, 1991 saw a major policy shift in India with the opening of the markets which was further taken forward by the BJP led NDA government. However, since 2004, India has followed an “inclusive growth” model which sought to go beyond economic growth and focused on delivering social welfare by enacting various socio-economic rights. But with economic growth lowering to 5.5 per cent this year and rising inflation, the viability of this model is under the scanner and the policy priorities of the next government could hence undergo a major shift.
Bhoomika Joshi and Sanober Umar
The widespread protests after the rape of a young woman in Delhi during December-January 2012-13 were analysed as signals of a mass awakening of gender consciousness in India by many commentators, especially among the urban metropolitan youth. Political parties across the spectrum registered their responses against the incident, ranging among demands for capital punishment, castration and life sentence.
However the incorporation of ‘gender’ as an agenda for electoral politics by mainstream political parties did not find an expression and still remains absent. The subsumption of gender as a platform of political ideology under other debates and the absence of taking into account the intersectionality of various identities within the category of gender has prevented the full expression of political consolidation of feminist ideologies at the state level. For the world’s largest democracy, ‘gender’ as a realm of political contestation and agenda remains subsumed under other ‘larger debates’. Elections in India are not fought, loss or feared by political parties over the need to address the impact of gendered discrimination. Gender as a principle of organized agenda for political action, especially at the larger national level has not garnered the same level of interest as other matters of political power, contestation, and negotiation.